Iraq civil society group session

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'''PAOLA:''' Saying Iraq is a chaos is not enough. Try to see beyond the chaos. What is underneath is. There is a political sphere, there is a (limited) space for pressure and civil society. All the conflicts in the ME are interconnected, but Iraq may be crucial. Pulling out the troops by your gov is not enough. Pulling out it necessary '''but not sufficient condition for peace in a sovereign and unified Iraq.
'''PAOLA:''' Saying Iraq is a chaos is not enough. Try to see beyond the chaos. What is underneath is. There is a political sphere, there is a (limited) space for pressure and civil society. All the conflicts in the ME are interconnected, but Iraq may be crucial. Pulling out the troops by your gov is not enough. Pulling out it necessary '''but not sufficient condition for peace in a sovereign and unified Iraq.
PHYLLIS:''' Feb 15 was huge triumph. It made the war illegal, next to illegitimate and immoral. And international law DOES matter. We have an obligation as the 2nd super power. Pulling out the troops is step one, but it is the first step that needs to be made. Our job is not done yet.
PHYLLIS:''' Feb 15 was huge triumph. It made the war illegal, next to illegitimate and immoral. And international law DOES matter. We have an obligation as the 2nd super power. Pulling out the troops is step one, but it is the first step that needs to be made. Our job is not done yet.
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[[Category:Nairobi WSF 2007]]
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[[Category:Terrain 1]]

Revision as of 10:40, 8 February 2007

REPORT Iraq Civil Society Group Session

Sunday Jan 21, 2007 NAIROBI

Speakers: Ismaeel Daewood - Phyllis Bennis Ewa Jasiewicz Paola Gasparoli

Mod: Herbert Docena

Ismaeel on Iraq now: The political process that had to emerge after the elections has not brought what was promised. Instead of stabilising Iraq it was all bad, negative. The process was selective. Some parties, some groups, some tribes, some .. gained political power while others were excluded. This pushed the violence between religions, groups, etc. The main goal was occupation, not rebuilding Iraq. The aim has always been to redesign Iraq to suit US foreign policy. From the onset, the occupation took a dangerous route: p.e. Focussing on a new constitution emphasising the differences between religions. Not only acknowledging that there are differences, but taking the differences as the defining starting point for a constitution. Using ethnic differences. The new gov uses the word reconciliation to push their agenda in stead of creating space for respect for differences. Linked with the regional sensitivities (religion vs religion, but also country vs country). The use of violence became the modus operandi for the Iraqi government, singularly focussing on security now, while putting human rights, and other rights in second. Reality is that people were driven into the hands of the militia, for their safety and livelihood. The history of Al-Qaeda in Iraq starts after the invasion, not before. Iraqis make a distinction between terrorists and resisters. For a long time, resisters were not aligned along sectarian lines. Now, this is more and more the case. Neighbours are, for their safety blocking roads for their neighbours now. More out of fear than out of hate. Iraqis do not believe military force can solve anything. Everybody feels that. But all Iraqis are forced to take sides on all violent issues. All promised about freedom, human rights and democracy are broken. The only solution to this conflict is the end of the war. Whatever the solution is, it starts with an end to the violence, not more violence, reconciliation: TO give the space to Iraqi’s, to get the warring parties around the table (ALL) in a conference hosted by the UN GA.

PHYLLIS BENNIS UfPJ; IPS The movement lost the struggle against the war, but won too. It won the debate, Iraq had nothing to do with 9-11. But the planning for the invasion started on the 12th. Expanding control over strategic resources is the main drive for US foreign policy. Military, economic, diplomatic. To ensure unchallenged hegemony. But what emerged as a challenge against that, was marked by the mass demonstrations in which between 12 and 15 million people all over the globe participated. The NYC then declared the end of the unilateral period, saying that there are now again two super powers: The US and Global Public Opinion. We should be proud of that, but also be aware of the legacy it entails. The situation now in the US Many people in the movements in the US were relieved that the democrats took majority in the senate. Not because Democrats will actively end the war, but they are more open to pressure from the outside. The Bush gov is increasingly isolated, which is hopeful but also creates a dangerous moment: A power in distress may very well lash out. Bush and Cheney in power are very very dangerous. About the regional question: Control of oil is a fundamental component of the US drive to war. The new law for privatisation of Iraqi oil Regional control is equally important. The bases in Iraq, but also in Bahrein, Central Asia etc. Defense of Israel, an expansionist, nuclear Israel. And no-one in congress is challenging it. Iran: An attack against Iran is not imminent, but also not impossible, despite the resistance from military at the highest level This is brought on partly by the pressure from the anti-war movements. Generals are the ones saying that expanding the war is not going to work and in addition will spark more hate against the US. To silence the call by the military to withdraw troops, Bush replaced two generals. CENTCOM is now led by an admiral, a navy man. It signifies the move towards air strikes on Iran. We need to take back pre-emptive action, we need to move pre-emptive on the potential attacks on Iran. The course for now is ‘to stay the course’ : 20.000 more troops with a green light to attack anyone everywhere, including Sadr City. Negroponte now calls for an ‘El Salvador’ option: Creating death squats, torture camps etc. Our demand should now be ‘No to escalation’? Yes, but not instead of the End the war, end occupations, bring the troops home and close the bases’ slogans. Rereaise the role of the 2nd superpower.

Paola Gasparoli - UPP ICSO: There are lots of stories of what is happening in Iraq that do not appear in papers or on tv. During the regime there was no CSO. But soon after the invasion, hundreds of such orgs started to appear. Without experience, they managed to build a role for their constituencies. Iraq has a conscious. They realise how important it is to have a large and thriving CS. But now, how can they organise themselves. They are pushed in a corner and the violence of the US, the army and police, the militia and gangs, the criminal orgs, but still they try to manage. A lot of civil society reps have left the country, some of them were killed in Iraq. The exiles still try to work from their Diaspora with and for Iraqis. Their biggest fear is to remain isolated. Under Saddam they were, and during the war they were. And now they are still. Foreign CS’s also left when the kidnappings started to rampage. One of the remaining things we – like UPP – to remain in contact and build common projects with Iraqi SC’s. This is still going on, but it is difficult. The US and Iraqi gov are trying from the beginning to control Iraqi SC. The hand out money (via USAID) and effectively control these orgs, using them to legitimise the occupation and puppet regime. Bremer Order 45 put Iraqi SC fully under control. We cannot leave the Iraqis alone. We, SC have to engage with them to help them restructure Iraq in the way THEY want. TO help with reconciliation etc. Even when there is no solution, no way out, no hope, we still need to. There will be a sincere attempt to organise, at the end of this year, a conf with Iraqi CSOs. TO build etc.

Ewa Jasiewicz – Iraq Occupation Watch/Platform One of the central aims of the invasion of Iraq is to get control over the abundant resources of oil in Iraq. Figures. Iraq floats on a lake of oil. The lake of oil is now under a lake of blood. We have to call for a NO to privatisation of the Oil of Iraq. The third largest oil reserve, how do Shell, , Exxon BP and other oil companies get a hand on this oil: Even before the occupation, there was an interesting meeting of oil companies and others about ‘the future of Iraq’. The man who became later the first Iraq-under-occupation oil minister there proposed to restructure Iraqi oil industry via so-called Production Sharing Agreements (PSA). GUOE. Calling for absolutely no p PSA is used when the production possibilities for oil are uncertain. Only giant oil companies like Shell can take these risk, but in return, they get most of the benefits. In Iraq, getting the oil is not difficult. PSAs should therefore not apply to Iraq. And Iraq under occupation should not be pushed into 40 year running programmes of which the majority of benefit goes to western privately owned companies. The Hydro Carbon Law (for Iraq) was drafted by a neo-con think tank,. It was after that reviewed by the UK gov, the IMF and several other govs. But no Iraqi saw it before it was passed. It created the possibilities for PSAs. It would lose Iraqi society hundreds of billions in revenues. Contracts will be signed within a year from now. And we have to stop it. These contracts will skyrocket the Shell stocks. Shell and BP will have there own armies, that actually kill. There is a mass movement in Iraq to oppose this. And w should support it, join it. The oil companies have not yet what they came for. We should take up the demand of HANDS OF IRAQI OIL to make sure that we are indeed that 2nd super power.

Other sessions on Iraq, related.

Herbert summarises and bridges to discussion about proposals etc.

Question: Ewa, about PSAs: Now we know what is wrong. But how could Iraqis finance this themselves? How many of the elected officials are still in Baghdad? The threat on Iran: Will this be in the planning for the 17th demonstrations. How do we deal with Iran as a peace movement? (Revert to 24th!?) How do we put the issue of Nuke proliferation into this. SERGIO: to Phyllis: How do you see the regional aspect fill into the anti-war effort? Phyllis: How do we address the Somalia bombings? Al-Sadr is now so targeted because the US thinks it is pivotal to the power of Iran within Iraq. We have to see that if we talk about Iran. War against terrorism is now spread to Somalia, to the borders of Kenya. What’s true of the stories that in Iraq now sees academia targeted especially.

Responses: EWA: The oil industry can redevelop Iraqi oil industry by themselves. That does not mean that they will never work with foreign corps, but this is about giving it away to foreign comps. If Iraq would borrow money from the IMF to rebuild infra, it would be able to take it back easily. (If previous debts run up by Saddam(!) are cancelled. ISMAEEL : About the representatives in parliament. Yes, most left. Iraq is dangerous, and at the MPs also started to realise that there’s not really much to discuss and decide on anyway. The kidnapping: Just to have more attention, image and recognition militia kidnap. It shows that you can excess control. PAOLA: Iraq is losing its intelligentsia. Universities have to close because teachers, lawyers, journalists etc. fled the country. This happened also because of the rigorous de-baathifications started. After 30 years of totalitarian regime, almost everybody with some position in Iraq was one way or another linked to Baathism. It started with these purges. PHYLLIS: On regional. For more on link Iraq-Palestine. Read ‘Dual Occupations’. About nukes: The lies about the WMDs of Iraq taught the movement in the US how important denuclearisation worldwide is even today. We had all forgotten how important that is. Disarmament, not non-proliferation. Article 6 of the NPT: All countries not having nukes will not try to obtain them BECAUSE the nuke states promise to disarm. NPT provides us with a tool. About regional. The work we do on Iraq is only to attack the US imperial agenda on its spear-point of something much bigger: Palestine, Iran, Somalia, Lebanon, Afghanistan. 17th….

Main points: GUOE we should support it all. One of the ways to support that struggle is to take up the oil slogan in all our campaigns. This is the final straw that will brake the back of the camel. We should register our opposition to the bombing of Somalia! We as the participants of the World Social Forum should put forward a petition or statement showing our opposition to the bombings in Somalia. To defend Iraqi oil is to defend the future of Iraq. After 30 years of dictatorship, embargoes etc this is Iraq’s potential ticket to a more prosperous and independent future.

PHYLLIS on the regional question: Somalia. Oil may not have to be the main reason for the bombing of Somalia. It may be also about the access for the US to deep water ports in the region. Djibouti wants the US out, Somalia might be the new chosen host of such port. Extremist ideologies: They are the product of ideological driven actions by the US and the UK. Bring more Iraqis out to talk about what happens in Iraq. It helps to reenergise peoples involvement in the anti-war effort as well.

FINAL REMARKS: EWA: HANDS OFF IRAQI OIL. Speakers, global calls, target your own oil industry. Platform will give out monthly briefing from now on. Big campaign in Iraq too. ISMAEEL: Iraq is fighting against all kinds of fundamentalism PAOLA: Saying Iraq is a chaos is not enough. Try to see beyond the chaos. What is underneath is. There is a political sphere, there is a (limited) space for pressure and civil society. All the conflicts in the ME are interconnected, but Iraq may be crucial. Pulling out the troops by your gov is not enough. Pulling out it necessary but not sufficient condition for peace in a sovereign and unified Iraq. PHYLLIS: Feb 15 was huge triumph. It made the war illegal, next to illegitimate and immoral. And international law DOES matter. We have an obligation as the 2nd super power. Pulling out the troops is step one, but it is the first step that needs to be made. Our job is not done yet.

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